Representatives who are delegates simply follow the expressed preferences of their constituents. Therefore, only people who have shared experiences and interests can fully identify with a particular issues. First, representatives must believe that they are obliged to behave according to the preferences found in the constituency or to have the same interests as their voters. Theories of political representation often begin by specifying the terms for the first four components. The first of these is about the questionable model of voting behaviour. One tendency is to equate democratic representation simply with the existence of fluid and multiple standards.
Mobilization, Participation, and Democracy in America, New York: MacMillian Publishing Company. Each view provides a different approach for examining representation. After all, not all acts of representation within a representative democracy are necessarily instances of democratic representation. Hence the theory requires that the policies adopted by incumbents be those preferred by voters. Plotke questions whether such a distinction continues to be useful.
Consequently, Young recommends reconceptualizing representation as a differentiated relationship 2000, 125—127; 1986, 357. In this sense, a mandate, the belief that the electorate broadly supports your plans and has told you so with an electoral victory, is often worth more than the election itself. When Truman surprised many by eking out a win on election night, it ranked as one of the great presidential upsets in modern history, even though Truman was the incumbent. Recent empirical literature has suggested that the benefits of having descriptive representatives is by no means straightforward Gay, 2002. Ruling Passions: Political Offices and Democratic Ethics, Princeton: Princeton University Press. Hence, a problem with institutional reforms aimed at increasing the representation of historically disadvantaged groups is that such reforms can and often do decrease the responsiveness of representatives. A Right to Representation: Proportional Election Systems for the 21 st Century, Columbia: Ohio University Press.
These advances point to new forms of political representation, ones that are not limited to the relationship between formal representatives and their constituents. He identifies four principles distinctive of representative government: 1 Those who govern are appointed by election at regular intervals; 2 The decision-making of those who govern retains a degree of independence from the wishes of the electorate; 3 Those who are governed may give expression to their opinions and political wishes without these being subject to the control of those who govern; and 4 Public decisions undergo the trial of debate 6. A second assumption is that politicians should want reelection. Can the reforms it recommends enable political representation to manifest and promote freedom, as FiP conceives freedom, or allow political representation to overcome domination, as it conceives domination? The appropriateness of any given representative is therefore partially dependent on future behavior as well as on his or her past relationships. Items may only be viewed and downloaded for private research and study purposes.
Pitkin identifies at least four different views of representation: formalistic representation, descriptive representation, symbolic representation, and substantive representation. Participation and Democratic Theory, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Any decrease in accountability is especially worrisome given the ways citizens are vulnerable to their representatives. . Political representation should no longer be understood as a simple principal-agent relationship. At this point, answers to such questions are unclear. First, representatives must believe that they are obliged to behave according to the preferences found in the constituency or to have the same interests as their voters.
The extent to which a representative resembles those being represented. What is certain is that democratic citizens are likely to disagree about what constitutes democratic representation. Without such a desire, it is difficult, if not impossible, for constituents to sanction representatives. If this information is not available, either through the press or advocacy groups, it is extremely difficult for the representative to act appropriately. For both are primarily concerned with the ways that constituents give their consent to the authority of a representative. In particular, these advances call into question the traditional way of thinking of political representation as a principal-agent relationship. Specifically, she envisions democratic representation as a dynamic process, one that moves between moments of authorization and moments of accountability 2000, 129.
Los representantes ciudadanos representan experiencias en lugar de territorios o grupos sociales. What are the sanctioning mechanisms available to constituents? Even if his votes are for the good of the country or the district, she will be frustrated that the representative she voted for has not adhered to her wishes and will be unlikely to vote for him in the next election. To prove this, I employ some insights from rhetoric. The theory also requires that political campaigns convey information to voters such that voters can make an informed choice between alternative policies. For this reading, Avicenna held the view of identity in al-Mabdaʾ where he lacked a distinction between the direct self-awareness and indirect self-intellection. Instead he focuses on the institutional and collective conditions in which claim-making takes place. To understand the multiple and conflicting standards within the concept of representation is to reveal the futility of holding all representatives to some fixed set of guidelines.
Thus, Williams expands accounts of political representation beyond the question of institutional design and thus, in effect, challenges those who understand representation as simply a matter of formal procedures of authorization and accountability. If you need a or on this topic please use our. Responsibility: Both individual officeholders and governmental institutions must be responsible for political outcomes and for the conduct of public affairs. Michael Saward 2009 has proposed an innovative type of criteria that should be used for evaluating non-elective representative claims. One mechanism is electoral defeat of the representative, but with years between elections, this is a rather blunt and inefficient mechanism. Lastly, it is unclear whether the mandate falls to the party or the prime minister.
However, if the politicians were to think for themselves, then the politicians with the most power in a party, such as the party leaders, could bring about this change. Mediating this tension requires an exercise of judgment that, being directed toward the future, inevitably introduces uncertainty into the relation. It is informed by five theoretical building blocks: the concept of the binding mandate, the party theory of representation, the doctrine of responsible party government, modern normative mandate theory and the conceptual pair of delegation and mandate. Representation does not produce conflict. The people rule through elections. This can be a positive, but what if, for example, the trustee is an old white man who represents a primarily Hispanic community? In this way, Pitkin concludes that standards for evaluating representatives defy generalizations.